It is because of this side-tracking the perspectives generated from these communities hardly find a preponderant place in the communities of academic and policy circles who ultimately decides to recognize the academic worth and value as a national discourse. Most often, having considered the lower classes as appendages to the mainstream idea, it poses a challenge to the conventional thinking and framework of analysis.
Exclusion from mainstream fails to realise the conditions in which these communities are located and rather impose the epistemological as well as the ontological positions which hardly encapsulates their existence. The disciplinary discourse in India about politics represents the dominant idea of the upper caste/class politics which in turn remains deficient to recognise their rights and justice.
The fulfillment and actualization of such values being rhetoric only and based upon the Eurocentric notions becomes a staple feed for class-room studies. The Sociology in India hardly touch upon the analysis as to why such a stratification takes place which serves the interests only of the few in the higher strata of the social order. It hardly questions the values and the norms if these strata that are instilled as the values of Indian society. Both the politics and sociology are immune in terms of representation of the voices from below as authentic for generalization. The grounds of historical studies have eventually turned out to be grounds of the burial of the histories and narratives of masses, largely legitimizing the political and cultural exploits of the upper castes and presenting the homogeneous civilizational history of India.
The dalit-bahujan barely become the subject of history and their historical subordination does not find any place in the mainstream historical perspectives. Similarly, is the political economy of the country, devoid of any perspective that can reflect upon those structural and functional aspects of the Indian economy that affects the production and distribution of wealth and worth. It is no wonder that it leads furhter to the margins of the socio-political discourse in India.
On the other hand the sciences too in India suffer from the upper caste orthodoxy. The privileges of science studies as well as the benefits accruing out of it have been hegemonised for the limited upper castes or the classes. India hardly has any mass science perspective, neither its science geared from within the context of the vast disparities as well as the needs of the historically disadvantaged. The high science pursued from the perspective of national security does not address significant components of national strength that is located within its human capital. It must be concluded that the Indian science reflects a caste outlook preserving the privileges of the few at State expenditure. It is undoubtable that globalization and bing bang of information in India is not bridging the disparities but creating new, both of the material wealth, opportunities and digital divide.
The Conference includes themes from Social Sciences, Humanities, Science & Technology and Policy & Management. Core attention shall be given to these from the perspectives of the dalits, adivasis, backward classes, women and the minorities integral with the following concerns:
The dalit/bahujan, adivasis, women and minorities are the vast real constituencies which should be the central subject of discourse within the academia as well as policy circles.
The academic credentials are worth the discourse if they are able to put centrally the problems that these constituencies face and work out rigorously qualitative as well as quantitative perspectives that address their worries.
The perspectives these communities bring while problematizing the ideas of India are the most authentic and reflect their own vision of the present India where they are the important segment and subject of discussion.
These perspectives from below represent the mainstream thought of India as a nation. The representation of such outlooks in the mainstream Indian life will only represent their aspirations from the idea of India they conceive.
Pramotions
Conferences
It is because of this side-tracking the perspectives generated from these communities hardly find a preponderant place in the communities of academic and policy circles who ultimately decides to recognize the academic worth and value as a national discourse. Most often, having considered the lower classes as appendages to the mainstream idea, it poses a challenge to the conventional thinking and framework of analysis.
Exclusion from mainstream fails to realise the conditions in which these communities are located and rather impose the epistemological as well as the ontological positions which hardly encapsulates their existence. The disciplinary discourse in India about politics represents the dominant idea of the upper caste/class politics which in turn remains deficient to recognise their rights and justice.
The fulfillment and actualization of such values being rhetoric only and based upon the Eurocentric notions becomes a staple feed for class-room studies. The Sociology in India hardly touch upon the analysis as to why such a stratification takes place which serves the interests only of the few in the higher strata of the social order. It hardly questions the values and the norms if these strata that are instilled as the values of Indian society. Both the politics and sociology are immune in terms of representation of the voices from below as authentic for generalization. The grounds of historical studies have eventually turned out to be grounds of the burial of the histories and narratives of masses, largely legitimizing the political and cultural exploits of the upper castes and presenting the homogeneous civilizational history of India.
The dalit-bahujan barely become the subject of history and their historical subordination does not find any place in the mainstream historical perspectives. Similarly, is the political economy of the country, devoid of any perspective that can reflect upon those structural and functional aspects of the Indian economy that affects the production and distribution of wealth and worth. It is no wonder that it leads furhter to the margins of the socio-political discourse in India.
On the other hand the sciences too in India suffer from the upper caste orthodoxy. The privileges of science studies as well as the benefits accruing out of it have been hegemonised for the limited upper castes or the classes. India hardly has any mass science perspective, neither its science geared from within the context of the vast disparities as well as the needs of the historically disadvantaged. The high science pursued from the perspective of national security does not address significant components of national strength that is located within its human capital. It must be concluded that the Indian science reflects a caste outlook preserving the privileges of the few at State expenditure. It is undoubtable that globalization and bing bang of information in India is not bridging the disparities but creating new, both of the material wealth, opportunities and digital divide.
The Conference includes themes from Social Sciences, Humanities, Science & Technology and Policy & Management. Core attention shall be given to these from the perspectives of the dalits, adivasis, backward classes, women and the minorities integral with the following concerns:
The dalit/bahujan, adivasis, women and minorities are the vast real constituencies which should be the central subject of discourse within the academia as well as policy circles.
The academic credentials are worth the discourse if they are able to put centrally the problems that these constituencies face and work out rigorously qualitative as well as quantitative perspectives that address their worries.
The perspectives these communities bring while problematizing the ideas of India are the most authentic and reflect their own vision of the present India where they are the important segment and subject of discussion.
These perspectives from below represent the mainstream thought of India as a nation. The representation of such outlooks in the mainstream Indian life will only represent their aspirations from the idea of India they conceive.
2013-07-27